While Mawby is excellent and persuasive in his description and analysis of why the federation collapsed, he fails to explain why the British were so slow in. Margaret Thatcher, England's first woman prime minister, led the country from She was born Margaret Roberts in , and the roots of both her political. 𝗣𝗗𝗙 | On Jan 1, , Pete Dorey and others published Margaret Similarly, the authors of a Thatcher biography observed that: 'Her.
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Not For Turning is the first of two projected volumes in the authorized biography of Margaret Thatcher. Covering the period from her childhood in Grantham to the . Margaret Thatcher was one of the most influential prime ministers in British history. She showed that the daughter of a hard-working shopkeeper could lead the. The author, Charles Moore, aptly describes in this first of a two volume biography, how Margaret. Thatcher stepped into this daunting situation and served as the.
Although Cannadine does not discuss these two debates not least because they are ongoing his biography is—by coincidence—more timely because of them. This is something which other studies of Thatcher have overlooked, generally defining Thatcherism instead in predominantly economic terms.
Cannadine suggests that the Falklands War provided such an opportunity: However, despite pointing to the importance of these instances of nationalist thought, Cannadine does not bring them together in a coherent manner. This portrait is at odds with the legacy and achievements which Cannadine describes. His is a fair assessment of a divisive figure, pointing out her personal achievements and flaws in equal measure.
The biography works well as an introductory text which offers a general sense of who Thatcher was and what she achieved.
It is not by any means a unique contribution to the study of Thatcher—and those already working in this field should not expect to gain anything new from it.
One of her staunchest allies was U. President Ronald Reagan , a fellow conservative. The two shared similar right-wing, pro-corporate political philosophies.
Thatcher faced a military challenge during her first term. In April , Argentina invaded the Falkland islands. This British territory had long been a source of conflict between the two nations, as the islands are located off the coast of Argentina. Taking swift action, Thatcher sent British troops to the territory to retake the islands in what became known as the Falklands War.
Argentina surrendered in June In her second term, from to , Thatcher handled a number of conflicts and crises, the most jarring of which may have been the assassination attempt against her in In a plot by the Irish Republic Army, she was meant to be killed by a bomb planted at the Conservative Conference in Brighton in October.
Undaunted and unharmed, Thatcher insisted that the conference continue, and gave a speech the following day. As for foreign policy, Thatcher met with Mikhail Gorbachev , the Soviet leader, in That same year, she signed an agreement with the Chinese government regarding the future of Hong Kong. Resignation Returning for a third term in , Thatcher sought to implement a standard educational curriculum across the nation and make changes to the country's socialized medical system.
However, she lost a lot of support due to her efforts to implement a fixed rate local tax—labeled a poll tax by many since she sought to disenfranchise those who did not pay it.
Hugely unpopular, this policy led to public protests and caused dissention within her party.
Thatcher initially pressed on for party leadership in , but eventually yielded to pressure from party members and announced her intentions to resign on November 22, In a statement, she said, "Having consulted widely among colleagues, I have concluded that the unity of the Party and the prospects of victory in a General Election would be better served if I stood down to enable Cabinet colleagues to enter the ballot for the leadership. I should like to thank all those in Cabinet and outside who have given me such dedicated support.
She wrote about her experiences as a world leader and a pioneering woman in the field of politics in two books: The Downing Street Years and The Path to Power New costumes are described in minute detail, and their effect on her audience recorded with diva-ish glee. It was the first of many romantic conquests, giddily related in secret letters to her sister.
Thatcher was, nonetheless, often lonely: Salvation came from the Conservative Party, which at its high point in the s claimed more than two million members. Moore captures superbly the social world of post-war Conservatism, which served its members as a dining club, social network and even dating agency.
Like so many others, Thatcher met her husband through the Conservative Party, as well as undergoing a political training of a kind her successors could barely imagine. There she learned to speak off the cuff and to deal with hecklers, while conceiving a dislike for Alport so powerful that he would later resign from the party during her leadership. She had not attended public school.
Nor had she received the capacious sexual education on offer in the armed forces. She was born three years before the coming of universal female suffrage, and came up to Oxford at a time when all but a handful of colleges were closed to women.
As a female undergraduate, she was automatically barred from the Oxford Union debating society. She may have been right — the chairman later claimed to have fiddled the votes to secure her the seat. The very existence of such a woman seems to have deprived some men of their faculties.
This must all have been rather tiresome; but Thatcher learned first to manage the problem and then to use it to her advantage. Her capacity to switch between the flirtatious and the ferocious regularly disoriented opponents, both in Cabinet and in her dealings with the press.
Thatcher was openly contemptuous of feminism, deploring its critique of marriage and the traditional family. But she was equally dismissive of women whose horizons expanded no further than the home. When a Labour minister attempted to interrupt her, during a debate on household taxes in , he was firmly rebuked. Government, therefore, should always be on the side of the great individual: Thatcher was not, however, an individualist in an atomistic sense.
She believed in the family as the bedrock of civil society, and in the peculiar destiny of the British nation across the world. It also made her suspicious of consensus. Thatcher understood the necessity of compromise, but she disapproved of those who made compromise an objective in its own right. Politics, for Thatcher, was a moral arena, and compromise smacked of appeasement.
Yet Thatcher was also a party loyalist, in a way that was never true of Powell. She only once defied the party whip in more than thirty years as an MP —her solitary act of rebellion coming not on an economic question or on the expansion of the state, but on a vote to restore corporal punishment for young offenders.
Nor did she accept the charge of betrayal later pinned upon the post-war governments of the s. How, then, did this rather unimaginative party loyalist become the radical leader who gave her name to an ideology?
For Moore, the answer lies in the failure of the post-war settlement to deliver the things that Thatcher demanded of it.
With inflation rising, public expenditure escalating and the authority of the state coming increasingly into question, Thatcher concluded that the old gods had failed.
As she broadened her reading under the influence of Keith Joseph, she found in thinkers like Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek the intellectual tools with which to challenge the post-war settlement. Yet this, Moore argues, was a pragmatic accommodation to experience, rather than the implementation of an explicitly ideological programme. There are two possible objections to this approach. The first is that it endorses a specifically Thatcherite reading of the s, in which the failure of the post-war settlement produced Thatcherism as its natural — and inevitable — corrective.